Political Science 250
Professor Volgy
Daniela Castro
Thomas Reiner
Robert Schulz
“The future of Europe appears largely to depend today once again, for good or evil, whether we like it or not, as it did for many centuries, on the future of Germany.” -Italian journalist Luigi Barzini.
I. Foreign Policy Goals, Interests, and Objectives Robert Schulz, Tom Reiner
III. Domestic Variables Robert Schulz
IV. Military and Economic Resources Daniela
Castro
V. Nationalism and Ideology Tom
Reiner
VI. Involvement in Global Organizations and Alliances Tom Reiner
VII. Summary and Conclusion
The foreign policy goals, interests, and objectives of the Federal Republic of Germany are quite conservative, altogether supporting the status quo and advancing interests common to industrialized nations. German international policies are influenced by several interests, the first of which is the preservation of the freedom, security, and welfare of German citizens and the German nation. Integration into the European Union is another strong emphasis of the German nation, as it seeks to improve European power and influence through unity. Germany calls for the democratization and westernization of Eastern European nations to ensure equalization and partnership and seeks to establish a new European defensive arrangement. Outside Europe, Germany continues to seek the support of the United States for their common values and interests. Germany upholds global concern for the rights of individuals and humanity and promulgates a global economic order based on the rules of the market economy. (Gedmin, p. 120)
Germany seeks a fundamental balance between its values and interests common to most industrialized and democratic 1st World nations. Its primary political instruments include dialogue, cooperation, defensive preparation, and multilateralism. If one summarizes German interests as principles of action, the following picture arise:
·
Germany
and its citizens safeguarding themselves against external danger and political
repression
·
Prevention,
arrest, and termination of crises and conflicts that could injure the totality
and stability of Germany and its allies
·
Extension
of NATO as the protector of common values and defenses of the Euro-Atlantic
democracies and extension of such ties to the East
·
A
balanced partnership between a united Europe and North America
·
Deepening
of European integration through the extension of the European Union (EU) with a
common policy for security issues and foreign affairs and a European security
and defense identity
·
Expansion
of the membership of the European Union and the Western European Union (WEU)
·
Strengthening
the role of the United Nations in solving global conflicts and strengthening
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
·
Establishment
of a new cooperative security order among all OSCE members
·
Consolidation
and extension of regionally and globally operative security orders based on
organizations the strengthen and augment one another
·
With
the objective of forming a cooperative security order as the basis for lasting
peace and stability in and for Europe, Germany’s continuing promotion of
forward-looking conflict prevention emphasizing arms reduction
·
Promotion
of democratization and economic and social advancement in Europe and across the
globe
(Gedmin,
p. 120-121)
Altogether the
international relationships of Germany are characterized by economic and
defensive ties with many other states. Therefore it is difficult to establish
purely national interests in the face of these interwoven interests. German
foreign policy, though, has developed in response to its roles as a Civil Power
and an Economic State. As a Civil Power, Germany has sought a role as the
“initiator and mediator of cooperation with the objective of civilizing
international relations”, and has consequently aligned itself towards
institutionalization, justification, and cooperation. As an Economic State,
Germany is predominately an exporter yet is heavily dependent upon imports of
both raw materials and finished products. Germany is increasingly dependent
upon the European framework, and as a cornerstone of a strong and united Europe
will need to address security issues which transcend collective self-defense.
The end of the Cold War and the unification of Germany ended communism and political repression in Germany as well as in Eastern Europe and Russia. German foreign policy is a peace policy and thus Germany has no true enemies anymore, as it once did in its relations with the Soviet Union. However, Germany is not a superpower, and must rely on economic and military help from the west.
Germany’s number one ally is the United States. They depend heavily on protection from the U.S. Germany does have its own military, but it is mostly tied into NATO. Also, having a democratic government, Germany and the U.S. share similar interests, and the U.S. often expects Germany’s support in several situations. For example, the U.S. once gave German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and foreign minister Joschka Fischer fifteen minutes to decide if it would support the U.S. in threatening Serbia. Although it is not in the interest of German foreign policy to take offensive action, Schroeder and Fischer reluctantly elected to support the U.S. They realize how critical it is for Germany to maintain the relationship it has with the United States.
We
have worked hand in hand for more than half a century. Reconciliation has been completed. What Germany and France have experienced and
suffered in the course of their histories has no parallel. Only they can move Europe forward, be it in
realizing its goals, expanding its borders or anchoring it in people’s hearts.
-French President Jacques Chirac speaking to the German Bundestag on June 27, 2000, in Berlin.
President
Chirac’s visit to Berlin in June of 2000 was the first by a French president
since German unification. It signified
a high point in Franco-German relations in recent times. Not only are France and Germany getting
along on a governmental level, it seems that the German public is also
beginning to open up to the once-hated French.
In May and June of 2000, EMNID conducted a survey among German citizens
to get their feelings on the French.
The results were somewhat surprising in that they were mostly
positive. For example, 81% of those
surveyed feel that the French are warm-hearted, and 67% of the respondents feel
that France is making a large contribution in helping Europe expand. However, only 17.5% of those surveyed think
that the French are “cool”. Many in
France are worried, though, that when it comes time to choose between the U.S.
and France, Germany will side with the U.S.
German relations with Russia have improved greatly since reunification and the fall of communism. German-Russian consultations took place in June of 2000, and leaders of both countries feel that much progress was made. Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder feels that it is Germany’s role to help rebuild the Russian economy. Russian President Putin feels that Germany is Russia’s most important partner in Europe. However, each leader stated clearly that the relations between the countries could only be based on mutual government interests and not on personal relationships.
Germany maintains good relations with Israel despite the legacy of the Holocaust. The countries are linked by similar democratic systems of values, and therefore both benefit from having good relations. Germany accepts responsibility for the past, and wants to help secure Israel’s existence. Germany is Israel’s second most important external partner (behind the U.S.).
The systemic variable plays are very large role in shaping German foreign policy. Germany is located in the center of Europe and is bordered by nine other countries. It is the center of trade between the Mediterranean Sea and the Scandinavian countries as well as the bridge between Eastern and Western Europe. This geographical location is one of the reasons Germany is the strongest industrial and trading nation on the European continent. With the fall of the Iron Curtain, Germany’s political role toward Eastern European countries is more important than ever because they provide leadership and an example to these countries with new democracies.
The societal variable is also important in determining Germany’s foreign policy. Since unification, German citizens don’t want the past to repeat itself. They want to safeguard themselves from future political repression (as well as external danger). However, according to political scientist Christian Hacke, German people think of themselves on an island, and don’t really concern themselves with foreign policy issues. They are much more concerned with domestic issues. This negligence is harmful to the political culture of Germany, including the relationship between the government and the people. At the same time, the German government has not really alerted the people of the risks of expanding its foreign policy interests.
The president of Germany, Johannes Rau, is simply a figurehead. The primary decision-maker in the German government is the chancellor, Gerhard Schroeder. He was born April 7, 1944, and his father was killed in action in Romania shortly after his birth. That left his mother to raise Gerhard and his four siblings in very poor conditions. They could not afford to send Gerhard to school. Eventually, he took control of his life. He went to night school and received what is equivalent to a G.E.D in the U.S., joined the SPD, and got a commercial apprenticeship. Eventually he went to law school and worked construction in order to pay for it. He entered the Bundestag in 1980, and thus began his successful political career. The fact that Gerhard grew up in poverty and worked his way up shows his intense desire and work ethic. His past gives him credibility, especially with the German people. Given the fact that he was born at the very end of World War II and did not really experience it first-hand (other than his father dying when he was an infant), it is understandable why Gerhard is pushing the German government to carry less emotional baggage in its decision-making. He is leading a new Germany that is heading in a different direction, and while the past will never be forgotten, he believes (along with foreign minister Joschka Fischer) that Germany should move on.
The current German government is a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Green Party. Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder is an SPD reformist, Green Party member Joschka Fischer is foreign minister, SPD centrist Rudolf Scharping is defense minister, and SPD leftist Oskar Lafontaine is finance minister. Because of the coalition, decision-making in the German government is geared toward the interests of the two parties involved.
The desire and the
need for a peaceful, democratic and a better off country have placed Germany in
a stable position in Europe. Germany’s foreign policy has been a pathway to a
prosperous market that carries a wide variety of resources and creates a strong
manageable economy. Since 1989, Germany
has been increasingly free and been acting as a sovereign nation-state. At the same time, it has become clear that
globalization and the resulting interdependence has been also a dark side for
Germany.
In
1986 European leaders took another large step up the integration ladder by
adopting the Single European Act, an amendment to the Treaty of Rome. The goal
was a true common market, and the EU largely achieved it by 1992. The Single Act removed remaining
restrictions to movement in four categories: goods (primarily non-tariff
barriers, such as the quality requirements that kept almost all foreign beer
out of Germany), services (such as barriers to the opening of bank branches
across borders), labor (such as country-specific professional requirements for
doctors and lawyers), and capital (such as currency exchange controls).
(Hughes, 217)
However, developments have made it
possible to move into a goods/open economy, an open society and a progressive
financial status. Without the social
market economy (resources), Germany would not have the existing economic
integration. The range of resources
that Germany has available to help pursue its foreign policy objectives varies
from different sectors of economy. The
Federal Republic of Germany is one of the major industrial countries. In terms of overall economic performance it
is the third largest, and with regard to world trade it holds second
place. This is why Germany has a
well-functioning sector market development through which it encourages the
nation to produce and improve their economic system.
The first and primary sector of the
German economy is Industry. Germany’s
branches of industry are automobiles, mechanical engineering, chemicals,
electrical engineering, electronics and aerospace.
The second sector of economy is Commerce. The Commercial sector in Germany accounts for about nine percent of gross value added. There are two kinds of commercial trades that help Germany increase the commercial enterprises. One kind is the wholesale trade. “Sell commercial goods to manufacturers or foreign markets to retailers, processors or users. They buy large quantities of goods and sell them in smaller amounts” (web cite). The second kind is the retail trade, which “has undergone a profound structural change in recent decades. Conversely, foreign competitors such as the U.S. corporation Wal-Mart or the French retail group Intermarche are claiming a share of the German market” (web cite). Commerce plays a big role in the German economic world.
Energy is the third sector of the German economy, even though Germany has a short supply of raw materials and is largely dependent upon imports. “Two thirds of its primary energy must be purchased from other countries. Its dependence on minerals from abroad is also considerable. For this reason, Germany has long since diversified its sources of energy and raw materials in order to ensure sufficient interrupted supplies” (web cite). Germany depends on outside resources. In 1994, the estimated export rate was $437.0 billion dollars, the commodities consisted on “manufactures 89.3% (including machines and machine tools, chemicals, motor vehicles, iron and steel products), agricultural products 5.5%, raw materials 2.7%, fuel 1.3% (1993)” (web cite). On the other hand, the imports estimated rate in 1994 was $362 billion, the commodities in this case were the same and also with the same percentages. The partners in the exports were: “EC 46.4%(France 11.3%, Netherlands 7.4%, Italy 7.5%, UK 7.7%, Belgium and Luxembourg 6.6%), EFTA 15.5%, US 7.7%, Eastern Europe 5.2%, OPEC 3.0% (1993)” (web cite). The partners for the imports were the same countries with a variation of approximately 1%.
Germany is one of the world’s largest
energy consumers. Like the other
sectors of the Germany economy, agriculture, forestry, and fishery are a big
part of this extremely balanced economy.
In the pace of the agriculture market, “Germany’s major agricultural products are milk, pork, grains, and sugar beets. In some regions wine, fruits and vegetables, and other horticultural products play an important role” (web cite).
Germany’s military branches are: Army, Navy (includes Naval air arm), Air Force, Border Police, and Coast Guard. There are only half of million individuals (manpower) that form the military. However, Germany exports and exchanges many different armaments to other countries. In 1995, the estimated exchange rate was forty billion dollars, which in part gave Germany a well-balanced economic profit. Interestingly enough, Germany is ranked seventh in military spending and seventeenth in the armed forces category. This demonstrates their emphasis on military exports.
Germany’s economic role is a main consideration in its pursuit of a well-developed, successful foreign policy. The economy in Germany has a big role to play and Germany has worked its way up to build a consumer based market economy that will help create an economic sector to strengthen industrial progress into a global market system. Germany pursues its foreign policy goals to increase its economic development and prosperity, for if it is a wealthy nation-state, Germany will also be a strong country.
The existence of a unified German nation has been an important issue for Europe in the last two centuries. Germany’s economic and military might greatly influenced events in Europe and still do today with the recent reunification of western and eastern Germany. Yet underneath these economic and military issues lie much deeper themes of nationalism and ideology. These forces strongly influenced past events, and continue to do so today, as the search for a stable nationhood and national identity within the European context remains a critical part of the German experience in face of a possible future transition from a sovereign nation to an element in a unified Europe.
Nationalism is presently a moderately powerful force within present-day Germany, sparked by the need to integrate East Germany into the traditional West German system. The future direction of Germany, however, appears to be an abandonment of the traditional sense of nationalism in favor of a German identity within a unified European context. A complete understanding of the role of nationalism in Germany must include knowledge of Germany’s recent past.
Modern Germany first came into existence following the unification of disparate Germanic kingdoms in 1871. This relatively late emergence in comparison with other western European nations resulted in a nation with a poorly defined identity. A search for this identity sparked rampant nationalism, which exploded in the world wars of the 20th Century. The final defeat of Nazi Germany and the partitioning of the German state ushered in a new era of nationalistic thinking.
The defeat of the National Socialists and the occupation of Germany created a nation split between two world powers and largely dependent upon outside sources. The legacy of defeat in two world wars and the horrors of the Holocaust resulted in a wholesale abandonment and vilification of many nationalistic ideals. Nationalism became inexorably tied with the extremes of National Socialism, defined as an ideology antithetical to democracy and a healthy national consciousness. Consequently nationalism became a taboo subject.
The reunification of western and eastern Germany in 1989, however, raised the issue of nationalism once more. West Germany’s integration of the eastern half at great economic expense demonstrated how important the concept of ‘Germany’ was. A strong, unified Germany was bound to emerge upon the European stage, and the question arose how one could define the country while avoiding the pitfalls of past nationalism. The collective guilt of the nation from the legacy of the Second World War began to be questioned, for “the stigma of Auschwitz should not be a burden for the normal, new German state”. (Otte, 198) The development of a renewed sense of nationalism accompanied the rise of the unified Germany, as explained by Saul Friedlander:
With
this unified Germany, it is easy now for a German to identify emotionally. The
Federal Republic [the former West Germany] wished to be sterile; the unified
Germany cannot be sterile. The unification reunites the Germans not only with
the eastern parts of their country, but with their national myths. (Wood, 94)
The shape of the new German nationalism became an important issue, and speculation arose that Germany would create a new, ‘post-national’ state focused primarily upon the larger world community. German author Guenther Grass advanced a model of two German states defined by a common nation, while others called for “merging German culture, society, and economy under a European roof” (Wood, 97) However, after 10 years of unity Germany still has many motives and characteristics of the classic nation-state with an active role in the international scene. According to Anthony Glees, “an element of residual submissiveness towards the international community” is not “post-nationalism”, “but simply a current definition of Germany’s national interest.” (Wood, 97) “Constitutional Patriotism” was the buzzword summarizing this approach of the early 90s which directed nationalistic feelings towards an objective governmental ideal. (Wood, 103)
Germany’s future direction, however, is more complicated within the European framework. The traditional nation-state ideal has been steadily de-emphasized with calls for European unity, for nation-states are “no longer capable of solving on their own the existential problems of our age”, and Germany is presently searching for a new identity in the cultural roots preceding the Wilhelmine era, while maintaining a focus upon the concept of a future “European Germany.” (Wood, 116) However, a true unified Europe in which national identities dissolve is still in the distant future, for present political processes and identity remain tied within the operations of the traditional concept of the sovereign European nation-state.
Ideology is presently an issue of minor importance in Germany due to its mild emphasis upon nationalism and its prosperity under the current social and economic order. However the increasing focus upon European unity and Germany’s role as a leader advocating European integration promises a future importance of ideology within a context of dissolving nationalism as European nations begin acceding sovereignty to a central European government.
An ideology formulates a set of beliefs about an ideal society and presents a blueprint directing the world to reach those goals. Inherent within this system is the assumption that the group is unsatisfied with the current world order. Germany is an extremely successful nation within the current European economic framework. It possesses the largest economy of all European nations and is greatly advanced in science and technology.
The international system and not ideology is the primary determinant of German foreign policy. German actions are based upon established power structures and a clear idea of national issues, all of which largely support the maintenance of the status quo.
VI. Involvement in Global Organizations and Alliances
Germany is an active player on the world scene and is involved all key organizations as one of the most powerful 1st World nations. Its actions through these groups reflect the German national interest, a “peaceful, democratic, solidaric world” through the advancement of three key security priorities: the maintenance of an American defensive shield through NATO, the continuation of the European Union for economic stability and security, the development of stable governments in the East, and improving relations with the 3rd World. The primary organizations through which Germany acts to reach these ends are NATO, the European Union, the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
NATO
German involvement within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is strong and developed from issues of the Cold War, including the security offered through this organization against eastern aggression. In the present context of the development of the European Union, NATO will continue to play a strong role. As Europe strives towards unification and the spread of democracy in Eastern Europe, American defensive capabilities and commitment will remain critical and an important part of internal stability. This was demonstrated by the operations in Kosovo. As Europe strengthens and heads towards a policy of mutual defense, Germany aims for a stronger European role in NATO as the members evolve from allies in the Cold War to allies in shaping the process of globalization. Germany also plays a large role in NATO. Most of Germany’s military forces are tied into NATO (hence the German dependence on American security). However, the question has been raised since reunification of whether or not Germany should move on and redefine its security policy and leave NATO. Many within Germany, including many of the political Green party, believe that Germany should withdraw from NATO. The U.S. has redefined NATO as a more activist alliance (ex: the bombings in Kosovo), contradicts Germany’s peace policy. However, NATO remains very strong to this day as does Germany’s involvement in the organization.
German involvement is critical in the development of the European Union (EU) as a functional, unified governmental organization. Germany is a supporter of increased autonomy for the EU and increased investment in its power structures at the expense of national sovereignty. It advocates the expansion of the EU to eastern European nations for political and economic opportunities, including larger markets and political stability. As the EU enlarges, however, the present loose confederation of members will be unable to accommodate the increased pressures. Therefore Germany supports the development of a European Security and Defense Policy, a Charter of Fundamental Rights, and a future European Constitution. The German vision for the EU includes an organization with a common currency and a common foreign and security policy.
The United Nations (UN) is important to German global policy. According to German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, “German participation in achieving the goals of the UN is a policy priority for the Federal Government” (Speech, September 4 2000) The UN is a critically important tool to maintain peace and stability beyond Germany’s borders, as it is the only international organization that offers requisite scope to address these and other issues. A primary issue for Germany involves its role in the United Nations, for it advocates its addition to the Security Council as a reflection of its increasing importance on the European and international scene.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is important to Germany as an organization that promotes Germany’s role as a nation reliant upon the flow of international goods and services. Germany introduced the Cologne Debt Initiative, which links debt relief with a strategy to alleviate poverty in the 3rd World. Germany views the WTO as a key organization in the process of addressing poverty in developing countries, a primary issue in relations between the Northern and Southern Hemisphere.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) is an organization that is dedicated to European security. There are several arguments taking place in Germany over the role of the OSCE and whether or not Germany should rely on the OSCE for security. Of course, the other players to be considered in security matters are NATO and now the EU. To add to that, all recent “measures proposed to strengthen the OSCE are nonmilitary in character.” (Otte, 202) Currently, it is unclear which direction the relationship between Germany and the OSCE is going.
The Federal Republic of Germany is one of the world’s leading nations in terms of its economic power and role in European events. It has the world’s fourth largest GNP and some influence in the greater economic order. However, German influence is greatly tied to its relationships with other states through organizations such as the European Union and NATO. It is difficult to define purely German issues in today’s network of interwoven interests. On a global scale, German power is not fully realized due to its exclusion from the United Nations Security Council and its dependency upon international organizations.
Germany is a relatively new nation unified after the collapse of Communism in 1989. It is still struggling domestically with its accommodation of the former Eastern Germany and issues of right-wing extremism. Germany occupies a central geopolitical location in Europe and will play a large role in the definition of relations between the Western and Eastern European nations. Germany has benefited greatly from the present world situation and globalization due to its strong ties to America and Western Europe. Consequently, German foreign policy supports the present globalized economy and seeks to strengthen its position through a policy which supports the spread of democracy and trade in a powerful, united Europe.